Itâs New York Fashion Week. How much forced labor went into making your clothes? Tessa Maffucci on the human costs of global fashion. Brought to you by [Congo Clothing Company]( Recently from The Signal: Why are the biggest chipmakers in the world moving to the United States? Chris Miller on the [U.S.-China struggle to control the most critical technology on the planet](. ⦠Today: Itâs New York Fashion Week. How much forced labor went into making your clothes? Tessa Maffucci on the human costs of global fashion. ⦠Also: Michael Bluhm on why Israel and Hamas canât seem to agree on a ceasefire. Subscribe to The Signal? Share with a friend. ⦠Sent to you? Sign up [here](. Under the label Jan Doe Throughout [New York Fashion Week](, elite models showcase new designs from the most renowned clothing brands in the world. But for all the glamour on display, the reality of the industry behind it often involves the forced laborâor at its extreme, outright enslavementâof millions of people around the world. Each year, the 20 wealthiest countries import a total of around US$150 billion worth of clothing thatâs, according to the Global Slavery Index, âat riskâ of having been produced by forced labor. The language indicates a visibility problem: With forced labor in fashion ranging from wage theft and more ambiguous forms of exploitation in the West to sweatshops in Asiaâto the notorious slave-labor camps of Chinaâs Uyghur regionâsome of it is easier to see than others. The fashion industry meanwhile employs more than 60 million globally. So just how widespread is the problem? Tessa Maffucci is the assistant chair of the Fashion Design Department at the Pratt Institute in New York City. Forced labor, Maffucci says, runs through fashion supply chains on every continent. And itâs spread globally in recent decades, as these supply chains have expanded to multiple layers of subcontractorsâmaking it unclear even to some brands where their clothes are being manufactured. Itâs a complex question, then: Not only is fashionâs forced labor distributed in different forms all over the world, it can also be hidden from producers as well as their consumers ⦠[Read on]( The Signal is a new current-affairs brand for understanding democratic life, the trend lines shaping it, and the challenges confronting it. Learn [more](. And [join](âto be a valued member, support our growth, and have full access. Advertisement From Tessa Maffucci at The Signal: - âItâs really everywhere. There are places where itâs worseâthe Uyghur region in China, notablyâand brands that choose to work in those places make that choice knowing theyâre likely benefiting from terrible exploitation. ⦠Today, China remains a major source of forced laborâparticularly in Xinjiang Province, as the Chinese government calls the Uyghur regionâbut itâs becoming gradually less interested in supplying fashion versus other industries. So the subcontracting of labor in the fashion supply chain is spreading out more into Southeast Asia, notably into Cambodia and Bangladesh, but also into Central and South America, particularly into Guatemala, Panama, and Mexicoâand even into parts of Europe, like Turkey and Portugal.â - âMany instances are stark, as you might imagine them: People in need of work are put in coercive environments that theyâre unable to escape from. Practices like this have spread in recent decades under globalization and offshoring, but none of them are entirely new. The structure of factory production today in places like Bangladesh, Cambodia, and Guatemala, for instance, creates many of the same challenges that garment workers faced in the U.S. early in the 20th century: People arenât allowed to have bathroom breaks; theyâre locked in during working hours so they wonât steal time by taking any breaks at all; and theyâre paid for what they produce, not by the hour. Across different regions of the world, there are documented instances of people, even children, being chained to sewing machines. And then there are entire forced-labor camps ultimately overseen by government authorities, as in Chinaâs Uyghur region. Itâs all horrifying.â - âBut itâs important to understand that, as production might move away from these kinds of environments, they can move to others that are also troubling. For example, a big brand might arrange to produce clothing with a certain factory, but then the brand decides it no longer wants the goods the factory has producedâso it cancels the order and doesnât pay the factory. Thereâs a campaign going on right now directed at Nike for doing exactly this with a factory in Cambodia, where hundreds of workers were left penniless. And again, the full range of labor abuses extends around the world from cases like this to wage theft and other problems. So in fashion, there are many people in unambiguous kinds of forced labor, but there are also ambiguities in the relationship between forced labor and other kinds of exploited labor.â [Read on]( The world is complex, ambiguous, and inherently uncertain ⦠Thatâs why we look at it the way a detective would: Everything The Signal does starts with good questions, and every answer leads us to more of them. Become a [member]( to unlock this full conversation and explore the archive. Advertisement Wary of fast fashion? Shop Congo Clothing Company and make a differenceâin style. [Learn more]( NOTES The non-ceasefire between Israel and Hamas براء ØبÙØ´ On September 1, the Israeli military found the bodies of six hostages in tunnels under the Gaza Strip. Hamas had recently shot each of them multiple timesâalmost a year after capturing them during the October 7 attack, in which the group killed more than 1,200 Israelis and took more than 250 others prisoner. Since the discovery, thereâs been massive pressure on Israelâs Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to reach an agreement with Hamas to secure the return of the remaining hostages. The day after the bodies were found, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in Israel, for a general strike called by the countryâs largest trade union, to protest the Netanyahu governmentâs failure to get the hostages backâdespite months of negotiations. Israelâs political elites have also publicly pushed Netanyahu to make a deal. Israelâs military commanders, meanwhile, have said for some time that they have largely finished their operations in Gaza, as ordered by the cabinet. Hamas, too, is under pressure to stop the fightingâfrom Palestinians, more than 40,000 of whom have been killed in Israeli strikes, with much of the Gaza Strip now in ruins. Hamas itself has lost most of its troops. So why havenât the two sides come to an agreement? Media reports say there are critical sticking points in the talksâabove all, on the future presence of Israeli troops in Gaza and on the role of Hamas in running it. But this is a conflict with major geopolitical stakes. And as can be the case with such a conflict, the direct combatants arenât the only parties to the talks. The United States, Egypt, and Qatar have long been mediating these negotiations, and the upcoming U.S. presidential elections appear to be a key consideration. The American administration has strong political reasons to reach a ceasefire soon: A deal could help the election prospects of Vice President Kamala Harrisâas bringing hostages back would play well among many voters who support Israel, while stopping the fighting would do likewise among those who support Palestine. The elections could also factor into Netanyahuâs calculations, though, as heâs had far better relations in recent years with Republicans than Democratsâand he might well imagine heâll get a deal more to his liking later, if Donald Trump wins in November. Itâs not clear, meanwhile, what Egypt and Qatar are saying to Hamas. âMichael Bluhm [Explore Notes]( Want more? Join The Signal to unlock full conversations with hundreds of contributors, explore the archive, and support our independent current-affairs coverage. [Become a member]( Coming soon: Robert Hamilton on how Ukraine's invasion of Russia is changing the war â¦
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