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ðð¾ðð¾ ð½ð¾ðð¾ððð¾ð ðððð ð¼ððððð½ð¾ððºðððð. Sir Joseph John Thomson OM PRS[1] (18 December 1856 â 30 August 1940) was a British physicist and Nobel Laureate in Physics, credited with the discovery of the electron, the first subatomic particle to be discovered. In 1897, Thomson showed that cathode rays were composed of previously unknown negatively charged particles (called electrons), which he calculated must have bodies much smaller than atoms and a very large charge-to-mass ratio.[2] Thomson is also credited with finding the first evidence for isotopes of a stable (non-radioactive) element in 1913, as part of his exploration into the composition of canal rays (positive ions). His experiments to determine the nature of positively charged particles, with Francis William Aston, were the first use of mass spectrometry and led to the development of the mass spectrograph.[2][3] Thomson was awarded the 1906 Nobel in Physics for his work on the conduction of electricity in gases.[4] Thomson was also a teacher, and several of his students also went on to Nobel.[5] Education and personal Joseph John Thomson was born on 18 December 1856 in Cheetham Hill, Manchester, Lancashire, England. His mother, Emma Swindells, came from a local textile family. His father, Joseph James Thomson, ran an antiquarian bookshop founded by Thomson's-grandfather. He had a brother, Frederick Vernon Thomson, who was two years younger than he was.[6] J. J. Thomson was a reserved yet devout Anglican.[7][8][9] His early education was in small private schools where he demonstrated outstanding talent and interest in science. In 1870, he was admitted to Owens College in Manchester (University of Manchester) at the unusually young age of 14 and came under the influence of Balfour Stewart, Professor of Physics, who initiated Thomson into physical research.[10] Thomson began experimenting with contact electrification and published his first scientific paper.[11] His parents planned to enroll him as an apprentice engineer to Sharp, Stewart & Co, a locomotive manufacturer, but these plans were cut short when his father died in 1873.[6] He moved on to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1876. In 1880, he obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree in mathematics (Second Wrangler in the Tripos[12] and 2nd Smith's ).[13] He applied for and became a Fellow of Trinity College in 1881.[14] Thomson received his Master of Arts degree (with Adams ) in 1883.[13] Family In 1890, Thomson married Rose Elisabeth Paget. Beginning in 1882, women could attend demonstrations and lectures at the University of Cambridge. Rose Paget, daughter of Sir George Edward Paget, a physician and then Regius Professor of Physic at Cambridge at the church of St. Mary the Less, was interested in physics. She attended demonstrations and lectures, among them Thomson's. Their relationship developed from there.[15] They had two children: George Paget Thomson, who was also awarded a Nobel for his work on the wave properties of the electron, and Joan Paget Thomson (later Charnock),[16] who became an author, writing children's books, non-fiction and biographies.[17] Career and research Overview On 22 December 1884, Thomson was appointed Cavendish Professor of Physics at the University of Cambridge.[2] The appointment caused considerable surprise, given that candidates such as Osborne Reynolds or Richard Glazebrook were older and more experienced in laboratory work. Thomson was known for his work as a mathematician, where he was recognized as an exceptional talent.[18] He was awarded a Nobel in 1906, "in recognition of the merits of his theoretical and experimental investigations on the conduction of electricity by gases." He was knighted in 1908 and appointed to the of Merit in 1912. In 1914, he gave the Romanes Lecture in Oxford on "The atomic theory". In 1918, he became Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, where he remained until his death. Joseph John Thomson died on 30 August 1940; his ashes rest in Westminster Abbey,[19] near the graves of Sir Isaac Newton and his former student, Ernest Rutherford.[20] One of Thomson's students was Ernest Rutherford, who later succeeded him as Cavendish Professor of Physics. Six of Thomson's research assistants and junior colleagues (Charles Glover Barkla,[21] Niels Bohr,[22] Max Born,[23] William Henry Bragg, Owen Willans Richardson[24] and Charles Thomson Rees Wilson[1]) Nobel in physics, and two (Francis William Aston[25] and Ernest Rutherford[26]) Nobel in chemistry. Thomson's son (George Paget Thomson) also the 1937 Nobel in physics for proving the wave-like properties of electrons.[27] Early work Thomson's master's work, Treatise on the motion of vortex rings, shows his early interest in atomic structure.[4] In it, Thomson mathematically described the motions of William Thomson's vortex theory of atoms.[18] Thomson published a number of papers addressing both mathematical and experimental issues of electromagnetism. He examined the electromagnetic theory of light of James Clerk Maxwell, introduced the concept of electromagnetic mass of a charged particle, and demonstrated that a moving charged body would apparently increase in mass.[18] Much of his work in mathematical modelling of chemical processes can be thought of as early computational chemistry.[2] In further work, published in book as Applications of dynamics to physics and chemistry (1888), Thomson addressed the transformation of energy in mathematical and theoretical , suggesting that energy might be kinetic.[18] His next book, Notes on recent researches in electricity and magnetism (1893), built upon Maxwell's Treatise upon electricity and magnetism, and was sometimes referred to as "the third volume of Maxwell".[4] In it, Thomson emphasized physical methods and experimentation and included extensive figures and diagrams of apparatus, including a number for the passage of electricity through gases.[18] His third book, Elements of the mathematical theory of electricity and magnetism (1895)[28] was a readable introduction to a wide variety of subjects, and achieved considerable popularity as a textbook.[18] First page to Notes on Recent Researches in Electricity and Magnetism (1893) First page to Notes on Recent Researches in Electricity and Magnetism (1893) A series of four lectures, given by Thomson on a visit to Princeton University in 1896, were subsequently published as Discharge of electricity through gases (1897). Thomson also presented a series of six lectures at Yale University in 1904.[4] Discovery of the electron Several scientists, such as William Prout and Norman Lockyer, had suggested that atoms were built up from a more fundamental unit, but they envisioned this unit to be the size of the smallest atom, hydrogen. Thomson in 1897 was the first to suggest that one of the fundamental units of the atom was more than 1,000 times smaller than an atom, suggesting the subatomic particle known as the electron. Thomson discovered this through his explorations on the properties of cathode rays. Thomson made his suggestion on 30 April 1897 following his discovery that cathode rays (at the time known as Lenard rays) could travel much further through air than expected for an atom-sized particle.[29] He estimated the mass of cathode rays by measuring the heat generated when the rays hit a thermal junction and comparing this with the magnetic deflection of the rays. His experiments suggested not that cathode rays were over 1,000 times lighter than the hydrogen atom, but also that their mass was the same in whichever type of atom they came from. He concluded that the rays were composed of very light, negatively charged particles which were a universal building block of atoms. He called the particles "corpuscles", but later scientists preferred the electron which had been suggested by George Johnstone Stoney in 1891, prior to Thomson's actual discovery.[30] In April 1897, Thomson had early indications that the cathode rays could be deflected electrically (previous investigators such as Heinrich Hertz had thought they could not be). A month after Thomson's announcement of the corpuscle, he found that he could reliably deflect the rays by an electric field if he evacuated the discharge tube to a very low pressure. By comparing the deflection of a beam of cathode rays by electric and magnetic fields he obtained more robust measurements of the mass-to-charge ratio that confirmed his previous estimates.[31] This became the classic means of measuring the charge-to-mass ratio of the electron. (The charge itself was not measured until Robert A. Millikan's oil drop experiment in 1909.) Thomson believed that the corpuscles emerged from the atoms of the trace gas inside his cathode ray tubes. He thus concluded that atoms were divisible, and that the corpuscles were their building blocks. In 1904, Thomson suggested a model of the atom, hypothesizing that it was a sphere of positive matter within which electrostatic forces determined the positioning of the corpuscles.[2] To explain the overall neutral charge of the atom, he proposed that the corpuscles were distributed in a uniform sea of positive charge. In this "plum pudding model", the electrons were seen as embedded in the positive charge like raisins in a plum pudding (although in Thomson's model they were not stationary, but orbiting rapidly).[32][33] Thomson made the discovery around the same time that Walter Kaufmann and Emil Wiechert discovered the correct mass to charge ratio of these cathode rays (electrons).[34] Isotopes and mass spectrometry In the bottom right corner of this photographic plate are markings for the two isotopes of neon: neon-20 and neon-22. In 1912, as part of his exploration into the composition of the streams of positively charged particles then known as canal rays, Thomson and his research assistant F. W. Aston channelled a stream of neon ions through a magnetic and an electric field and measured its deflection by placing a photographic plate in its path.[6] They observed two patches of light on the photographic plate (see image on right), which suggested two different parabolas of deflection, and concluded that neon is composed of atoms of two different atomic masses (neon-20 and neon-22), that is to say of two isotopes.[35][36] This was the first evidence for isotopes of a stable element; Frederick Soddy had previously proposed the existence of isotopes to explain the decay of certain radioactive elements. J. J. Thomson's separation of neon isotopes by their mass was the first example of mass spectrometry, which was subsequently improved and developed into a general method by F. W. Aston and by A. J. Dempster.[2][3] External video Title page On the Chemical Combination of Gases by Joseph John Thomson 1856-1940.jpg video icon The Early of J.J. Thomson: Computational Chemistry and Gas Discharge Experiments Experiments with cathode rays Earlier, physicists debated whether cathode rays were immaterial like light ("some process in the aether") or were "in fact wholly material, and ... mark the paths of particles of matter charged with negative electricity", quoting Thomson.[31] The aetherial hypothesis was vague,[31] but the particle hypothesis was definite enough for Thomson to test. Magnetic deflection Thomson first investigated the magnetic deflection of cathode rays. Cathode rays were produced in the side tube on the left of the apparatus and passed through the anode into the main bell jar, where they were deflected by a magnet. Thomson detected their path by the fluorescence on a squared screen in the jar. He found that whatever the material of the anode and the gas in the jar, the deflection of the rays was the same, suggesting that the rays were of the same whatever their origin.[37] Electrical charge The cathode ray tube by which J. J. Thomson demonstrated that cathode rays could be deflected by a magnetic field, and that their negative charge was not a separate phenomenon. While supporters of the aetherial theory accepted the possibility that negatively charged particles are produced in Crookes tubes,[citation needed] they believed that they are a mere by-product and that the cathode rays themselves are immaterial.[citation needed] Thomson set out to investigate whether or not he could actually separate the charge from the rays. Thomson constructed a Crookes tube with an electrometer set to one side, out of the direct path of the cathode rays. Thomson could trace the path of the ray by observing the phosphorescent patch it created where it hit the surface of the tube. Thomson observed that the electrometer registered a charge m when he deflected the cathode ray to it with a magnet. He concluded that the negative charge and the rays were one and the same.[29] Electrical deflection This section needs additional citations for verification. help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "J. J. Thomson" â news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (August 2017) (Learn how and when to this template message) Thomson's illustration of the Crookes tube by which he observed the deflection of cathode rays by an electric field (and later measured their mass-to-charge ratio). Cathode rays were emitted from the cathode C, passed through slits A (the anode) and B (grounded), then through the electric field generated between plates D and E, finally impacting the surface at the far end. The cathode ray (blue line) was deflected by the electric field (yellow). Cathode ray tube with electrical deflection. In MayâJune 1897, Thomson investigated whether or not the rays could be deflected by an electric field.[6] Previous experimenters had failed to observe this, but Thomson believed their experiments were flawed because their tubes contained too much gas. Thomson constructed a Crookes tube with a better vacuum. At the start of the tube was the cathode from which the rays projected. The rays were sharpened to a beam by two metal slits â the first of these slits doubled as the anode, the second was connected to the earth. The beam then passed between two parallel aluminium plates, which produced an electric field between them when they were connected to a battery. The end of the tube was a large sphere where the beam would impact on the glass, created a glowing patch. Thomson pasted a scale to the surface of this sphere to measure the deflection of the beam. Any electron beam would collide with some residual gas atoms within the Crookes tube, thereby ionizing them and producing electrons and ions in the tube (space charge); in previous experiments this space charge electrically screened the externally applied electric field. However, in Thomson's Crookes tube the density of residual atoms was so low that the space charge from the electrons and ions was insufficient to electrically screen the externally applied electric field, which permitted Thomson to successfully observe electrical deflection. When the upper plate was connected to the negative pole of the battery and the lower plate to the positive pole, the glowing patch moved downwards, and when the polarity was reversed, the patch moved upwards. Measurement of mass-to-charge ratio JJ Thomson exp3.gif In his classic experiment, Thomson measured the mass-to-charge ratio of the cathode rays by measuring how much they were deflected by a magnetic field and comparing this with the electric deflection. He used the same apparatus as in his previous experiment, but placed the discharge tube between the poles of a large electromagnet. He found that the mass-to-charge ratio was over a thousand times lower than that of a hydrogen ion (H+), suggesting either that the particles were very light and/or very highly charged.[31] Significantly, the rays from every cathode yielded same mass-to-charge ratio. This is in contrast to anode rays ( known to arise from positive ions emitted by the anode), where the mass-to-charge ratio varies from anode-to-anode. Thomson himself remained critical of what his work established, in his Nobel speech referring to "corpuscles" rather than "electrons". Thomson's calculations can be summarised as follows (in his original notation, using F instead of E for the electric field and H instead of B for the magnetic field): The electric deflection is given by {\displaystyle \Theta =Fel/mv^{2}}{\displaystyle \Theta =Fel/mv^{2}}, where Î is the angular electric deflection, F is applied electric intensity, e is the charge of the cathode ray particles, l is the length of the electric plates, m is the mass of the cathode ray particles and v is the velocity of the cathode ray particles. The magnetic deflection is given by {\displaystyle \phi =Hel/mv}{\displaystyle \phi =Hel/mv}, where Ï is the angular magnetic deflection and H is the applied magnetic field intensity. The magnetic field was varied until the magnetic and electric deflections were the same, when {\displaystyle \Theta =\phi ,Fel/mv^{2}=Hel/mv}{\displaystyle \Theta =\phi ,Fel/mv^{2}=Hel/mv}. This can be simplified to give {\displaystyle m/e=H^{2}l/F\Theta }{\displaystyle m/e=H^{2}l/F\Theta }. The electric deflection was measured separately to give Î and H, F and l were known, so m/e could be calculated. Conclusions As the cathode rays carry a charge of negative electricity, are deflected by an electrostatic force as if they were negatively electrified, and are acted on by a magnetic force in just the way in which this force would on a negatively electrified body moving along the path of these rays, I can see no escape from the conclusion that they are charges of negative electricity carried by particles of matter. ââJ. J. Thomson[31] As to the source of these particles, Thomson believed they emerged from the molecules of gas in the vicinity of the cathode. If, in the very intense electric field in the neighbourhood of the cathode, the molecules of the gas are dissociated and are split up, not into the ordinary chemical atoms, but into these primordial atoms, which we shall for brevity corpuscles; and if these corpuscles are charged with electricity and projected from the cathode by the electric field, they would behave exactly like the cathode rays. ââJ. J. Thomson[38] Thomson imagined the atom as being made up of these corpuscles orbiting in a sea of positive charge; this was his plum pudding model. This model was later proved incorrect when his student Ernest Rutherford showed that the positive charge is concentrated in the nucleus of the atom. Other work In 1905, Thomson discovered the natural radioactivity of potassium.[39] In 1906, Thomson demonstrated that hydrogen had a single electron per atom. Previous theories allowed various numbers of electrons.[40][41] Awards and honours During his Plaque commemorating J. J. Thomson's discovery of the electron outside the old Cavendish Laboratory in Cambridge Thomson c.â1920â1925 Thomson was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS)[1][42] and appointed to the Cavendish Professorship of Experimental Physics at the Cavendish Laboratory, University of Cambridge in 1884.[2] Thomson numerous awards and honours during his career including: Adams (1882) Royal Medal (1894) Hughes Medal (1902) Hodgkins Medal (1902) Nobel for Physics (1906) Elliott Cresson Medal (1910) Copley Medal (1914) Franklin Medal (1922) Thomson was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society[1] on 12 June 1884 and served as President of the Royal Society from 1915 to 1920. In November 1927, J. J. Thomson opened the Thomson building, named in his honour, in the Leys School, Cambridge.[43] Posthumous honours In 1991, the thomson (symbol: Th) was proposed as a unit to measure mass-to-charge ratio in mass spectrometry in his honour.[44] J J Thomson Avenue, on the University of Cambridge's West Cambridge site, is named after Thomson.[45] The Thomson Medal Award, sponsored by the International Mass Spectrometry Foundation, is named after Thomson. The Institute of Physics Joseph Thomson Medal and is named after Thomson. Sir Alexander Fleming FRS FRSE FRCS[1] (6 August 1881 â 11 March 1955) was a Scottish physician and microbiologist, best kn for discovering the world's first broadly effective antibiotic substance, which he named penicillin. His discovery in 1928 of what was later named benzylpenicillin (or penicillin G) from the mould Penicillium rubens is described as the "single est victory ever achieved over disease."[3][4] For this discovery, he shared the Nobel in Physiology or in 1945 with Howard Florey and Ernst Boris Chain.[5][6][7] He also discovered the enzyme lysozyme from his nasal discharge in 1922, and along with it a bacterium he named Micrococcus Lysodeikticus, later renamed Micrococcus luteus. Fleming was knighted for his scientific achievements in 1944.[8] In 1999, he was named in Time magazine's list of the 100 Most Important People of the 20th century. In 2002, he was chosen in the BBC's television poll for determining the 100 est Britons, and in 2009, he was also voted third "est Scot" in an opinion poll conducted by STV, behind Robert Burns and William Wallace. Early and education Born on 6 August 1881 at Lochfield farm near Darvel, in Ayrshire, Scotland, Alexander Fleming was the third of four children of farmer Hugh Fleming (1816â1888) and Grace Stirling Morton (1848â1928), the daughter of a neighbouring farmer. Hugh Fleming had four surviving children from his first marriage. He was 59 at the time of his second marriage to Grace, and died when Alexander was seven.[9] Fleming went to Loudoun Moor School and Darvel School, and earned a two-year scholarship to Kilmarnock Academy before moving to London, where he attended the Royal Polytechnic Institution.[10] After working in a shipping office for four years, the twenty-year-old Alexander Fleming inherited some from an uncle, John Fleming. His elder brother, Tom, was already a physician and suggested to him that he should follow the same career, and so in 1903, the younger Alexander enrolled at St Mary's Hospital al School in Paddington ( part of Imperial College London); he qualified with an MBBS degree from the school with distinction in 1906.[9] Fleming, who was a vate in the London Scottish Regiment of the Volunteer Force from 1900[5] to 1914,[11] had been a of the rifle club at the al school. The captain of the club, wishing to retain Fleming in the team, suggested that he join the research department at St Mary's, where he became assistant bacteriologist to Sir Almroth Wright, a pioneer in vaccine therapy and immunology. In 1908, he gained a BSc degree with medal in Bacteriology, and became a lecturer at St Mary's until 1914. Commissioned lieutenant in 1914 and promoted captain in 1917,[11] Fleming served throughout World War I in the Royal Army al Corps, and was Mentioned in Dispatches. He and many of his colleagues worked in battlefield hospitals at the Western Front in France. In 1918 he returned to St Mary's Hospital, where he was elected Professor of Bacteriology of the University of London in 1928. In 1951 he was elected the Rector of the University of Edinburgh for a term of three years.[9] Scientific contributions Antiseptics Main article: Antiseptic During World War I, Fleming with Leonard Colebrook and Sir Almroth Wright joined the war efforts and practically moved the entire Inoculation Department of St Mary's to the British military hospital at Boulogne-sur-Mer. Serving as Temporary Lieutenant of the Royal Army al Corps, he witnessed the death of many soldiers from sepsis resulting from infected wounds. Antiseptics, which were used at the time to treat infected wounds, he observed, often worsened the injuries.[12] In an article published in the al journal The Lancet in 1917, he described an ingenious experiment, which he was able to conduct as a result of his own glassblowing skills, in which he explained why antiseptics were killing more soldiers than infection itself during the war. Antiseptics worked well on the surface, but deep wounds tended to shelter anaerobic bacteria from the antiseptic agent, and antiseptics seemed to beneficial agents produced that protected the patients in these cases at least as well as they d bacteria, and did nothing to the bacteria that were out of reach.[13] Wright strongly supported Fleming's findings, but despite this, most army physicians over the course of the war continued to use antiseptics even in cases where this worsened the condition of the patients.[9] Discovery of lysozyme Main article: Lysozyme At St Mary's Hospital, Fleming continued his investigations into bacteria culture and antibacterial substances. As his research scholar at the time V.D.ison recalled, Fleming was not a tidy researcher and usually expected unusual bacterial growths in his culture plates. Fleming had teasedison of his "excessive tidiness in the laboratory," andison rightly attributed such untidiness as the of Fleming's experiments, and said, "[If] he had been as tidy as he thought I was, he would not have made his two discoveries."[14] In late 1921, while he was maintaining agar plates for bacteria, he found that one of the plates was contaminated with bacteria from the air. When he added nasal mucus, he found that the mucus inhibited the bacterial growth.[15] Surrounding the mucus area was a clear transparent circle (1 cm from the mucus), indicating the killing zone of bacteria, followed by a glassy and translucent ring beyond which was an opaque area indicating normal bacterial growth. In the next test, he used bacteria in saline that formed a yellow suspension. Within two minutes of adding fresh mucus, the yellow saline turned completely clear. He extended his tests using tears, which were contributed by his co-workers. Asison reminisced, saying, "For the next five or six weeks, our tears were the source of supply for this extraordinary phenomenon. Many were the lemons we used (after the failure of onions) to produce a flow of tears... The demand by us for tears was so , that laboratory attendants were pressed into service, receiving threepence for each contribution."[14] His further tests with sputum, cartilage, blood, semen, ovarian cyst fluid, pus, and egg white showed that the bactericidal agent was present in of these.[16] He reported his discovery before the al Research Club in December and before the Royal Society the next year but failed to stir any interest, asison recollected: I was present at this [al Research Club] meeting as Fleming's guest. His paper describing his discovery was received with and no discussion, which was most unusual and an indication that it was considered to be of no importance. The following year he read a paper on the subject before the Royal Society, Burlington House, Piccadilly and he and I gave a demonstration of our work. Again with one exception little comment or attention was paid to it.[14] Reporting in the 1 May 1922 issue of the Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences under the title "On a remarkable bacteriolytic element found in tissues and secretions," Fleming wrote: In this communication I wish to draw attention to a substance present in the tissues and secretions of the body, which is capable of rapidly dissolving certain bacteria. As this substance has properties akin to those of ferments I have called it a "Lysozyme," and shall refer to it by this throughout the communication. The lysozyme was first noticed during some investigations made on a patient suffering from acute coryza.[15] This was the first recorded discovery of lysozyme. Withison, he published further studies on lysozyme in October issue of the British Journal of Experimental Pathology the same year.[17] Although he was able to obtain larger amounts of lysozyme from egg whites, the enzyme was effective against small counts of harmless bacteria, and therefore had little therapeutic potential. This indicates one of the major differences between pathogenic and harmless bacteria.[12] Described in the original publication, "a patient suffering from acute coryza"[15] was later identified as Fleming himself. His research notebook dated 21 November 1921 showed a sketch of the culture plate with a small note: âStaphyloid coccus from A.F.'s nose."[16] He also identified the bacterium present in the nasal mucus as Micrococcus Lysodeikticus, giving the species (meaning "lysis indicator" for its susceptibility to lysozymal activity).[18] The species was reassigned as Micrococcus luteus in 1972.[19] The "Fleming strain" (NCTC2665) of this bacterium has become a model in different biological studies.[20][21] The importance of lysozyme was not recognised, and Fleming was well aware of this, in his presidential address at the Royal Society of ine meeting on 18 October 1932, he said: I choose lysozyme as the subject for this address for two reasons, firstly because I have a fatherly interest in the , and, secondly, because its importance in connection with natural immunity does not seem to be generally appreciated.[22] In his Nobel lecture on 11 December 1945, he briefly mentioned lysozyme, saying, "Penicillin was not the first antibiotic I happened to discover."[23] It was towards the end of the 20th century that the true importance of Fleming's discovery in immunology was realised as lysozyme became the first antimicrobial protein discovered that constitute part of our innate immunity.[24][25] Discovery of penicillin Main article: History of penicillin An advertisement advertising penicillin's " cure" One sometimes finds what one is not looking for. When I woke up just after dawn on September 28, 1928, I certainly didn't plan to revolutionize ine by discovering the world's first antibiotic, or bacteria killer. But I suppose that was exactly what I did. ââAlexander Fleming[26] Experiment By 1927, Fleming had been investigating the properties of staphylococci. He was already well kn from his earlier work, and had developed a reputation as a brilliant researcher. In 1928, he studied the variation of Staphylococcus aureus grown under natural condition, after the work of Joseph Warwick Bigger, who discovered that the bacterium could grow into a variety of types (strains).[27] On 3 September 1928, Fleming returned to his laboratory having spent a holiday with his family at Suffolk. Before leaving for his holiday, he inoculated staphylococci on culture plates and left them on a bench in a corner of his laboratory.[16] On his return, Fleming noticed that one culture was contaminated with a fungus, and that the colonies of staphylococci surrounding the fungus had been destroyed, whereas other staphylococci colonies farther away were normal, famously remarking "That's funny".[28] Fleming showed the contaminated culture to his former assistant Merlin Pryce, who reminded him, "That's how you discovered lysozyme."[29] He identified the mould as being from the genus Penicillium. He suspected it to be P. chrysogenum, but a colleague Charles J. La Touche identified it as P. rubrum. (It was later corrected as P. notatum and then officially accepted as P. chrysogenum; in 2011, it was resolved as P. rubens.)[30][31] Commemorative plaque marking Fleming's discovery of penicillin at St Mary's Hospital, London The laboratory in which Fleming discovered and tested penicillin is preserved as the Alexander Fleming Laboratory Museum in St. Mary's Hospital, Paddington. The source of the fungal contaminant was established in 1966 as coming from La Touche's room, which was directly below Fleming's.[32][33] Fleming grew the mould in a pure culture and found that the culture broth contained an antibacterial substance. He investigated its anti-bacterial effect on many organisms, and noticed that it affected bacteria such as staphylococci and many other Gram-positive pathogens that cause scarlet fever, pneumonia, meningitis and diphtheria, but not typhoid fever or paratyphoid fever, which are caused by Gram-negative bacteria, for which he was seeking a cure at the time. It also affected Neisseria gonorrhoeae, which causes gonorrhoea, although this bacterium is Gram-negative. After some months of calling it "mould juice" or "the inhibitor", he gave the penicillin on 7 March 1929 for the antibacterial substance present in the mould.[34] Reception and publication Fleming presented his discovery on 13 February 1929 before the al Research Club. His talk on "A for the isolation of Pfeiffer's bacillus" did not receive any particular attention or comment. Henry Dale, the then Director of National Institute for al Research and chair of the meeting, much later reminisced that he did not even sense any striking point of importance in Fleming's speech.[16] Fleming published his discovery in 1929 in the British Journal of Experimental Pathology,[35] but little attention was paid to the article. His was the difficulty of producing penicillin in large amounts, and moreover, isolation of the main compound. Even with the help of Harold Raistrick and his team of biochemists at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical ine, chemical purification was futile. "As a result, penicillin languished largely forgotten in the 1930s," as Milton Wainwright described.[36] As late as in 1936, there was no appreciation for penicillin. When Fleming talked of its al importance at the Second International Congress of Microbiology held in London,[37][38] no one believed him. Asison, his companion in both the al Research Club and international congress meeting, remarked the two occasions: [Fleming at the al Research Club meeting] suggested the possible value of penicillin for the treatment of infection in man. Again there was a total lack of interest and no discussion. Fleming was keenly disappointed, but worse was to follow. He read a paper on his work on penicillin at a meeting of the International Congress of Microbiology, attended by the foremost bacteriologists from over the world. There was no support for his views on its possible future value for the prevention and treatment of infections and discussion was minimal. Fleming bore these disappointments stoically, but they did not alter his views or deter him from continuing his investigation of penicillin.[14] In 1941, the British al Journal reported that "[Penicillin] does not appear to have been considered as possibly useful from any other point of view."[39][40][32] Purification and stabilisation 3D-model of benzylpenicillin In Oxford, Ernst Boris Chain and Edward Abraham were studying the molecular structure of the antibiotic. Abraham was the first to propose the correct structure of penicillin.[41][42] Shortly after the team published its first results in 1940, Fleming telephoned Howard Florey, Chain's head of department, to say that he would be visiting within the next few days. When Chain heard that Fleming was coming, he remarked "Good God! I thought he was dead."[43] Norman Heatley suggested transferring the active ingredient of penicillin back into water by changing its acidity. This produced enough of the drug to begin testing on animals. There were many more people involved in the Oxford team, and at one point the entire Sir William Dunn School of Pathology was involved in its production. After the team had developed a method of purifying penicillin to an effective first stable in 1940, several clinical trials ensued, and their inspired the team to develop methods for mass production and mass distribution in 1945.[44][45] Fleming was modest about his part in the development of penicillin, describing his fame as the "Fleming Myth" and he praised Florey and Chain for transforming the laboratory curiosity into a practical drug. Fleming was the first to discover the properties of the active substance, giving him the privilege of naming it: penicillin. He also kept, grew, and distributed the original mould for twelve years, and continued until 1940 to try to help from any chemist who had enough skill to make penicillin. Sir Henry Harris summed up the process in 1998 as: "Without Fleming, no Chain; without Chain, no Florey; without Florey, no Heatley; without Heatley, no penicillin."[46] The discovery of penicillin and its subsequent development as a prescription drug mark the start of modern antibiotics.[47] ð¸ðð ðºðð¾ ðð¾ð¼ð¾ððððð ððð ðð¾ððð
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