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Recent acounts posit that the core of narcissism is self-centred antagonism (or "entitled self-importance"), namely selfishness, entitlement, lack of empathy, and devaluation of others.[23] Grandiosity and vulnerability are seen as different expressions of this antagonistic core, arising from individual differences in the strength of the approach and avoidance motivational systems.[37] Grandiose Narcissism Narcissistic grandiosity is thought to arise from a combination of the antagonistic core with temperamental boldnessâdefined by positive emotionality, social dominance, reward-seeking and risk-taking. Grandiosity is definedâin addition to antagonismâby a confident, exhibitionistic and manipulative self-regulatory style.[37] High self-esteem and a clear sense of uniqueness and superiority, with fantasies of sucess and power, and lofty ambitions Social potency, marked by exhibitionistic, authoritative, charismatic and self-promoting interpersonal behaviours Exploitative, self-serving relational dynamics; short-term relationship transactions defined by manipulation and privileging of personal gain over other benefits of socialisation Vulnerable Narcissism Narcissistic vulnerability is thought to arise from a combination of the antagonistic core with temperamental reactivityâdefined by negative emotionality, social avoidance, passivity and marked proneness to rage. Vulnerability is definedâin addition to antagonismâby a shy, vindictive and needy self-regulatory style.[37] Low and contingent self-esteem, unstable and unclear sense of self, and resentment of others' sucess Social withdrawal, resulting from shame, distrust of others' intentions, and concerns over being accepted Needy, obsessive relational dynamics; long-term relationship transactions defined by an excessive need for admiration, approval and support, and vengefulness when needs are unmet Other Expressions Sexual Sexual narcissism has been described as an egocentric pattern of sexual behavior that involves an inflated sense of sexual ability or sexual entitlement, sometimes in the fom of extramarital affairs. This can be overcompensation for low self-esteem or an inability to sustain true intimacy.[38] While this behavioral pattern is believed to be more common in men than in women,[39][40] it occurs in both males and females who compensate for feelings of sexual inadequacy by becoming overly proud or obsessed with their masculinity or femininity.[41] The controversial condition referred to as "sexual addiction" is believed by some experts to be sexual narcissism or sexual compulsivity, rather than an addictive behavior.[42] Parental Main article: Narcissistic parents Narcissistic parents often see their children as extensions of themselves, and encourage the children to at in ways that support the parents' emotional and self-esteem needs.[43] Due to their vulnerability, children may be significantly affected by this behavior.[44] To meet the parents' needs, the child may sacrifice their own wants and feelings.[45] A child subjected to this type of parenting may struggle in adulthood with their intimate relationships. In extreme situations, this parenting style can result in estranged relationships with the children, coupled with feelings of resentment, and in some cases, self-destructive tendencies.[43] Origins of narcissism in children can often come from the social learning theory. The social learning theory proposes that social behavior is learned by observing and imitating others behavior. This suggests that children are anticipated to grow up to be narcissistic when their parents overvalue them.[46] Workplace narcissism Main article: Narcissism in the workplace Professionals. There is a compulsion of some professionals to constantly assert their competence, even when they are wrong.[47][48] Professional narcissism can lead otherwise capable, and even exceptional, professionals to fall into narcissistic traps. "Most professionals work on cultivating a self that exudes authority, control, knowledge, competence and respectability. It's the narcissist in us llâwe dread appearing stupid or incompetent."[47] Executives. Executives are often provided with potential narcissistic triggers: inanimate â status symbols like company cars, company-issued smartphone, or prestigious offices with window views; and animate â flattery and attention from colleagues and subordinates.[49]:â143â Narcissism has been linked to a range of potential leadership problems ranging from poor motivational skills to risky decision making, and in extreme cases, white-collar crime.[50] High-profile corporate leaders that place an extreme emphasis on prfits may yield positive short-term benefits for their organizations, but ultimately it drags down individual employees as well as entire companies.[51] Subordinates may find everyday ffers of support swiftly turn them into enabling sources, unless they are very careful to maintain proper boundaries.[49]:â143,â181â Studies examining the role of personality in the rise to leadership have shown that individuals who rise to leadership positions can be described as inter-personally dominant, extroverted, and socially skilled.[50] When examining the correlation of narcissism in the rise to leadership positions, narcissists who are often inter-personally dominant, extroverted, and socially skilled, were also likely to rise to leadership but were more likely to emerge as leaders in situations where they were not known, such as in outside hires (versus internal promotions). Paradoxically, narcissism can present as characteristics that facilitate an individual's rise to leadership, and ultimately lead that person to underachieve or even to fail.[50] General workforce. Narcissism can create problems in the general workforce. For example, individuals high in narcissism inventories are more likely to engage in counterproductive behavior that harms organizations or other people in the workplace.[52] Aggressive (and counterproductive) behaviors tend to surface when self-esteem is threatened.[53][54] Individuals high in narcissism have fragile self-esteem and are easily threatened. One study found that employees who are high in narcissism are more likely to perceive the behaviors of others in the workplace as abusive and threatening than individuals who are low in narcissism.[55] Celerity narcissism Ceop looking back at other people."[56] In its most extreme presentation and symptoms, it is indistinguishable from narcissistic personality disorder, differing nly in its late onset and its environmental support by large numbers of fans. "The lack of social norms, controls, and of people centering them makes these people believe they're invulnerable,"[56] so that the person may suffer from unstable relationships, substance abuse or erratic behaviors. Collective narcissism Main article: Collective narcissism Collective narcissism is a type of narcissism where an individual has an inflated self-love of their own group.[57] While the classic definition of narcissism focuses on the individual, collective narcissism asserts that one can have a similar excessively high opinion of a group, and that a group can function as a narcissistic entity.[57] Collective narcissism is related to ethnocentrism; however, ethnocentrism primarily focuses on self-centeredness at an ethnic or cultural level, while collective narcissism is extended to any type of ingroup beyond just cultures and ethnicities.[57][58] Normalization of narcissistic behaviors Studies have shown that individuals who sore high on narcissism scales (self-sufficiency, vanity, leadership, and admiration demand) posted selfies to social media sites more than individuals who exhibit low narcissism scores. Men posting selfies had higher narcissism scores than women.[59] Some commentators contend that the American populace has become increasingly narcissistic since the end of World War II.[60][61][62] People compete mightily for attention. In social situations they tend to steer the conversation away from others and toward themselves. The profusion of popular literature about "listening" and "managing those who talk constantly about themselves" suggests its pervasiveness in everyday lif.[63] This claim is substantiated by the growth of "reality TV" programs,[60] the growth of an online culture in which digital media, social media and the desire for fame are generating a "nw era of public narcissism".[64] Also supporting the contention that American culture has become more narcissistic is an analysis of US popular song lyrics between 1987 and 2007. This found a growth in the use of first-person singular pronouns, reflecting a greater focus on the self, and also of references to antisocial behavior; during the same period, there was a diminution of words reflecting a focus on others, positive emotions, and social interactions.[35][65] References to narcissism and self-esteem in American popular print media have experienced vast inflation since the late 1980s.[65] Between 1987 and 2007 direct mentions of self-esteem in leading US newspapers and magazines increased by 4,540 per cent while narcissism, which had been almost non-existent in the press during the 1970s, was referred to over 5,000 times between 2002 and 2007.[65] Individualistic vs collectivist national cultures Similar patterns of change in cultural production are observable in other Western states. For example, a linguistic analysis of the largest circulation Norwegian newspaper found that the use of self-focused and individualistic ters increased in frequency by 69 per cent between 1984 and 2005 while collectivist trms declined by 32 per cent.[66] One study looked at differences in advertising between an individualistic culture, United States, and a collectivist culture, South Korea and found that in the US there was a greater tendency to stress the distinctiveness and uniqueness of the person; where as advertising in South Korean stressed the importance of social conformity and harmony.[66] These cultural differences were greater than the effects of individual differences within national cultures.[66] Controversies There has been an increased interest in narcissism and narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) in the last 10 years.[67] There are areas of substantial debate that surround the subject including: clearly defining the difference between normal and pathological narcissism,[67] understanding the role of self-esteem in narcissism,[67] reaching a consensus on the classifications and definitions of sub-types such as "grandiose" and "vulnerable dimensions" or variants of these,[67] understanding what are the central versus peripheral, primary versus secondary features/characteristics of narcissism, determining if there is consensual description,[67] agreeing on the etiological factors,[67] deciding what field or discipline narcissism should be studied by,[67] agreeing on how it should be assessed and measured,[67] and agreeing on its representation in textbooks and classification manuals.[67] This extent of the controversy was on public display in 2010â2013 when the committee on personality disorders for the 5th Edition (2013) of the Diagostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders recommended the rmoval of Narcissistic Personality from the manual. A contentious three-year debate unfolded in the clinical community with one of the sharpest critics being professor John Gunderson, MD, the person who led the DSM personality disorders committee for the 4th edition of the manual.[68]n psychology, grandiosity is a sense of superiority, uniqueness, or invulnerability. It may be expressed by exaggerated beliefs regardng one's abilities, the belief that few other people have anything in common with oneself, and that one can onl be understood by a few, very special people.[1] The personality trait of grandiosity is principally associated with narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), but also is a feature in the occurrence and expression of antisocial personality disorder, and the manic and hypomanic episodes of bipolar disorder.[2] Measurement Few scales exist for the sole purpose of measuring grandiosity, though one recent attempt is the Narcissistic Grandiosity Scale (NGS), an adjective rating scale where one indicates the applicability of a word to oneself (e.g. superior, glorious).[3] Grandiosity is also measured as part of other tests, including the Personality Assessment for DSM-5 (PID-5), Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, and dianostic interviews for NPD. The Grandiosity section of the Diagnstic Interview for Narcissism (DIN), for instance, describes:[4] The person exaggerates talents, capacity, and achievements in an unrealistic way. The person believes in their invulnerability or does not recognize their limitations. The person has grandiose fantasies. The person believes that they do not need other people. The person overexamines and downgrades other people's projects, statements, or dreams in an unrealistic manner. The person regards themself as unique or special when compared to other people. The person regards themself as generally superior to other people. The person behaves self-centeredly and/or self-referentially. The person behaves in a boastful or pretentious way. In narcissism Grandiose narcissism is a subtype of narcissism with grandiosity as its central feature, in addition to other agentic and antagonistic traits (e.g., dominance, attention-seeking, entitlement, manipulation). Confusingly, the term "narcissistic grandiosity" is sometimes used as a synonym for grandiose narcissism and other times used to refer to the subject of this article (superiority feelings).[3] In mania In mania, grandiosity is typically more pro-active and aggressive than in narcissism. The manic character may boast of future achievements[5]:â421â or exaggerate their personal qualities.[5]:â413 & notesâ They may also begin unrealistically ambitious undertakings, before being cut down, or cutting themselves back down, to size.[6] In psychopathy Grandiosity features in Factor 1, Facet 1 (Interpersonal) in the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) test.[7] Individuals endorsing this criterion appear arrogant and boastful, and may be unrealistically optimistic about their future. The American Psychiatric Association's DSM-5 also notes that persons with antisocial personality disorder often display an inflated self-image, and can appear excessively self-important, opinionated and cocky, and often hold others in contempt. Relationship with other variables Grandiosity is well documented to have associations with both positive/adaptive and negative/maladaptive outcomes, leading some researchers to question whether it is necessarily pathological. Positive/Adaptive Grandiosity demonstrates moderate-to-strong positive correlations with self-esteem, typically becoming larger in size when controlling for confounding variables.[8][3][9] It relates positively to self-rated superiority and is inversely associated with self-rated worthlessness.[3] It is also associated with a host of other variables (often even when controlling for self-esteem), including positive affect, optimism, lisfaction, behavioural activation system functioning, and ll forms of emotional resilience.[8][9][3] It also correlates positively with adaptive narcissism, namely authoritativeness, charisma, self-assurance and ambitiousness.[8][10] Moreover, it exhibits negative associations with depression, anxiety, pessimism and shame.[9][11] Grandiosity has a small positive relationship with intelligence and achievement.[11][12][13] Negative/Maladaptive Grandiosity has a well-studied association with aggression (both physical and verbal), risk-taking (e.g. finncial, social, sexual) and competitiveness.[3][8] It also has reliable associations with maladaptive narcissistic traits like entitlement and interpersonal exploitativeness.[3][8] Even when controlling for exploitativeness, however, grandiosity still predicts unethical behaviours like lying, cheating and stealing.[8] Grandiosity seems to be specifically related to rationalised cheating (i.e. opportunistic cheating behaviour whose context allows the behaviour to be construed as something other than cheating), but not deliberative cheating (i.e. conscious premeditation to violate rules and cheat).[8] Mechanisms Despite the prominence of grandiosity in the research literature, few theories or even studies of its underlying mechanisms exist. Approximately 23of the variance in grandiosity is explained by genetics, with the majority of remaining variance attributable to non-shared environmental factors.[14] Cognitive Research has consistently indicated a role of positive rumination (repetitive positive self-focused thoughts). Recently, an experimental study found that having neurotypical participants engage in overly-positive rumination (i.e. think about times when they felt special, unique, important or superior) lead to increases in state grandiosity, whereas a control distraction condition conferred no such increment.[15] Another study confirmed that positive ruminations confer grandiose self-perceptions in the moment, and found that (grandiosity-prone) patients with bipolar disorder (compared with healthy controls) exhibited heightened connectivity between brain regions associated with self-relevant information-processing during this task (medial prefrontal and anterior cingulate cortices)[16] Further, experimental studies suggest that grandiose narcissists maintain their inflated self-esteem following criticism by recalling self-aggrandizing memories.[17] Correlational designs further confirm the associations of mania/hypomania and grandiose narcissism with positive self-rumination, and to specific expressions of positive rumination after sucess (e.g. believing that sccess in one domain indicates likely sucess in another).[18] Grandiose fantasies, conceptually similar to positive rumination, also feature in narcissism.[19][20] While grandiose narcissism has been associated with attentional and mnemonic biases to positive self-related words,[21] it remains to be seen whether this reflects grandiosity or some other trait specific to narcissism (e.g. entitlement). Other theories A common characteristic of disorders and traits associated with grandiosity is heightened positive affect and potential dysregulation thereof.[18][22] This is true of mania/hypomania in bipolar disorder, grandiose narcissism, and the interpersonal facet of psychopathy.[18][22][23] Such associations partially inspired the Narcissism Spectrum Model,[22][24] which posits grandiosity reflects the combination of self-preoccupation and "boldness" - exaggerated positive emotionality, self-confidence, and reward-seeking, which is ostensibly linked with neurobiological systems mediating behavioural approach motivation. While no neuroimaging studies have specifically assessed the association between grandiosity and the reward system (or any other system), some neuroimaging studies using composite scales of grandiosity with other traits ofr tentative support of these assertions,[25][26] while others using the same measure suggest no association.[27][28] Contrary to frequent assertions by narcissism researchers, and despite much study of the matter, there is ony weak and inconsistent evidence that grandiosity (when specifically and reliably measured) and grandiose narcissism have any association with parental overvaluation.[14][29] The largest study on the matter found no association whatsoever.[30] Reality-testing A distinction is made between individuals exhibiting grandiosity which includes a degree of insight into their unrealistic thoughts (they are aware that their behavior is considered unusual), and those experiencing grandiose delusions who lack this capability for reality-testing. Some individuals may transition between these two states, with grandiose ideas initially developing as "daydreams" that the patient recognises as untrue, but which can subsequently turn into full delusions that the patient becomes convinced reflect reality.[31] Psychoanalysis and the grandiose self Otto Kernberg saw the unhealthily grandiose self as merging childhood feelings of specialness, personal ideals, and fantasies of an ideal parent.[32] Heinz Kohut saw the grandiose self as a normal part of the developmental process, oly pathological when the grand and humble parts of the self became decisively divided.[33] Kohut's recommendations for dealing with the patient with a disordered grandiose self were to tolerate and so re-integrate the grandiosity with the realistic self.[34] Reactive attachment disorder The personality trait of grandiosity also is a component of the reactive attachment disorder (RAD), a severe and relatively uncommon attachment disorder that affects children.[35] The expression of RAD is characterized by markedly disturbed and developmentally inappropriate ways of relating to other people in most social contexts, such as the persistent failure to initiate or to respond to most social interactions in a developmentally appropriate way, known as the "inhibited fom" of reactive attachment disorder.[36][37] Related traits Grandiosity is associated and often confused with other personality traits, including self-esteem, entitlement, and contemptuousness.[3] Self-esteem While the exact difference between high self-esteem and grandiosity has yet to be fully elucidated, research suggests that, while strongly correlated, they predict different outcomes. While both predict positive outcomes like optimism, lif and job satisfation, extraversion and positive affect, grandiosity uniquely predicts entitlement, exploitativeness and aggression.[3] Entitlement Entitlement is regularly confused with grandiosity even in peer-reviewed articles, but the literature nevertheless ors a clear discrimination of the two. Psychological entitlement is a sense of deservingness to positive outcomes, and can be founded on either grandiosity or feelings of deprivation.[38] Like self-esteem, grandiosity and entitlement are well documented to predict different outcomes. Entitlement appears to be associated with more maladaptive outcomes, including low empathy, antisocial behaviour, and poor mental health, whereas grandiosity predicts better mental health.[8] Devaluation/contempt Surprisingly, and quite counterintuitively, grandiosity is oly weakly related to regrding others as worthless (devaluation or contemptuousness).[3] Moreover, grandiosity should not be conflated with arrogant social behaviourilleterie ([dymÉ davi dÉ la pajÉt(É)Êi]), 24 July 1802 â 5 December 1870),[1][2] also known as Alexandre Dumas père,[note 1] was a French novelist and playwright. His works have been translated into many languages and he is one of the most widely read French authors. Many of his historical novels of adventure were originally published as serials, including The Count of Monte Cristo, The Three Musketeers, Twenty Years After and The Vicomte of Bragelonne: Ten Years Later. Since the early 20th century, his novels have been adapted into nearly 200 films. Prolific in several genres, Dumas began his career by writing plays, which were successfully produced from the first. He wrote numerous magazine articles and travel books; his published works totalled 100,000 pages.[3] In the 1840s, Dumas founded the Théâtre Historique in Paris. His father, General Thomas-Alexandre Dumas Davy de la Pailleterie, was born in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti) to Alexandre Antoine Davy de la Pailleterie, a French nobleman, and Marie-Cessette Dumas, an African slave.[4][5] At age 14, Thomas-Alexandre was taken by his father to France, where he was educated in a military academy and entered the military for what became an illustrious career. Dumas's father's aristocratic rank helped young Alexandre acquire work with Louis-Philippe, Duke of Orléans, then as a writer, a career which led to early sucess. Decades later, after the election of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte in 1851, Dumas fell from favour and left France for Belgium, where he stayed for several years, then moved to Russia for a few years before going to Italy. In 1861, he founded and published the newspaper L'Indépendent, which supported Italian unification, before returning to Paris in 1864. Though married, in the tradition of Frenchmen of higher social class, Dumas had numerous affairs (allegedly as many as 40). He was known to have had at least four illegitimate children, although twentieth-century scholars believe it was seven. He acknowledged and assisted his son, Alexandre Dumas fils, to become a successful novelist and playwright. English playwright Watts Phillips, who knew Dumas in his later lie, described him as "the most generous, large-hearted being in the world. He also was the most delightfully amusing and egotistical creature on the face of the earth. His tongue was like a windmill â once set in motion, you neer knew when he would sop, especially if the theme was himself."[6] Birth and family General Thomas-Alexandre Dumas, father of Alexandre Dumas. Alexandre Dumas, engraving by Antoine Maurin. Dumas Davy de la Pailleterie (later known as Alexandre Dumas) was born in 1802 in Villers-Cotterêts in the department of Aisne, in Picardy, France. He had two older sisters, Marie-Alexandrine (born 1794) and Louise-Alexandrine (1796â1797).[7] Their parents were Marie-Louise Ãlisabeth Labouret, the daughter of an innkeeper, and Thomas-Alexandre Dumas. Thomas-Alexandre had been born in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (nw Haiti), the mixed-race, natural son of the marquis Alexandre Antoine Davy de la Pailleterie (Antoine), a French nobleman and général commissaire in the artillery of the colony, and Marie-Cessette Dumas, an enslaved woman of Afro-Caribbean ancestry. The two extant primary documents that state a racial identity for Marie-Cessette Dumas refer to her as a "négresse" (a black woman) as opposed to a "mulâtresse" (a woman of visible mixed race).[8][9] It is unknown whether Marie-Cessette was born in Saint-Domingue or in Africa, nor is it known from which African people her ancestors came.[10][11][12] What is known is that, sometime after becoming estranged from his brothers, Antoine purchased Marie-Cessette and her daughter by a previous relationship for "an exorbitant amount" and made Marie-Cessette his concubine. Thomas-Alexandre was the oly son born to them, but they had two or three daughters. In 1775, following the death of both his brothers, Antoine left Saint-Domingue for France in oder to claim the family estates and the title of Marquis. Shortly before his departure, he sold Marie-Cessette and their two daughters (Adolphe and Jeanette), as well as Marie-Cessette's oldest daughter Marie-Rose (whose father was a different man) to a baron who had recently come from Nantes to settle in Saint Domingue. Antoine however retained ownership of Thomas-Alexandre (his ony natural son) and took the boy with him to France. There, Thomas-Alexandre received his fredom and a sparse education at a military school, adequate to enable him to join the French army, there being no question of the mixed-race boy being accepted as his father's heir. Thomas-Alexandre did well in the Army and was promoted to general by the age of 31, the first soldier of Afro-Antilles origin to reach that rank in the French army.[13] The family surname ("de la Pailleterie") was neer bestowed upon Thomas-Alexandre, who therefore used "Dumas" as his surname. This is often assumed to have been his mother's surname, but in fact, the surname "Dumas" occurs oly once in connection with Marie-Cessette, and that happens in Europe, when Thomas-Alexandre states, while applying for a marriage license, that his mother's nae was "Marie-Cessette Dumas". Some scholars have suggested that Thomas-Alexandre devised the surname "Dumas" for himself when he felt the need for one, and that he attributed it to his mother when convenient. "Dumas" means "of the farm" (du mas), perhaps signifying ony that Marie-Cessette belonged to the farm property.[14] Career Alexandre Dumas by Achille Devéria (1829) While working for Louis-Philippe, Dumas began writing articles for magazines and plays for the theatre. As an adult, he used his slave grandmother's surname of Dumas, as his father had done as an adult.[15] His first play, Henry III and His Court, produced in 1829 when he was 27 years old, met with acclaim. The next year, his second play, Christine, was equally popular. These successes gave him sufficient incme to write full-time. In 1830, Dumas participated in the Revolution that ousted Charles X and replaced him with Dumas's former employer, the Duke of Orléans, who ruled as Louis-Philippe, the Citizen King. Until the mid-1830s, lie in France remained unsettled, with sporadic riots by disgruntled Republicans and impoverished urban workers seeking change. As lif slowly returned to normal, the nation began to industrialise. An improving economy combined with the end of press censorship made the times rewarding for Alexandre Dumas's literary skills. After writing additional successful plays, Dumas switched to writing novels. Although attracted to an extravagant lifestyle and always spending more than he earned, Dumas proved to be an astute marketer. As newspapers were publishing many serial novels. His first serial novel was La Comtesse de Salisbury; Ãdouard III (July-September 1836). In 1838, Dumas rewrote one of his plays as a successful serial historical novel, Le Capitaine Paul ('Captain Paul'), partly based on the lfe of the Scottish - American naval officer John Paul Jones. He founded a production studio, staffed with writers who turned out hundreds of stories, ll suject to his personal direction, editing, and additions. From 1839 to 1841, Dumas, with the assistance of several friends, compiled Celebrated Crimes, an eight-volume collection of essays on famous criminals and crimes from European history. He featured Beatrice Cenci, Martin Guerre, Cesare and Lucrezia Borgia, as well as more recent events and criminals, including the cases of the alleged murderers Karl Ludwig Sand and Antoine François Desrues, who were executed. Dumas collaborated with Augustin Grisier, his fencing master, in his 1840 novel, The Fencing Master. The story is written as Grisier's account of how he came to witness the events of the Decembrist revolt in Russia. The novel was eventually banned in Russia by Czar Nicholas I, and Dumas was prohibited from visiting the country until after the Czar's death. Dumas refers to Grisier with grat respect in The Count of Monte Cristo, The Corsican Brothers, and in his memoirs. Dumas depended on numerous assistants and collaborators, of whom Auguste Maquet was the bst known. It was not until the late twentieth century that his role was fully understood.[16] Dumas wrote the short novel Georges (1843), which uses ideas and plots later repeated in The Count of Monte Cristo. Maquet took Dumas to court to try to gt authorial recognition and a higher rte of payment for his work. He was successful in getting more mony, but not a by-line.[16][17] Château de Monte-Cristo Dumas's novels were so popular that they were son translated into English and other languages. His writing earned him a grat dal of moey, but he was frequently insolvent, as he spent lavishly on women and sumptuous living. (Scholars have found that he had a total of 40 mistresses.[18]) In 1846, he had built a country house outside Paris at Le Port-Marly, the large Château de Monte-Cristo, with an additional building for his writing studio. It was often filled with strangers and acquaintances who stayed for lengthy visits and took advantage of his generosity. Two years later, faced with finanial difficulties, he sold the entire property. This email was sent by D/B/A M&MWatchdog. © 2023 M&MWatchdog. Ðll Rights Reserved.
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